A Khun Sa confidante sets his sights on parliament as a USDP candidate

Former militia leader Sai Mon looks to use his influence in eastern Shan state to win respectability as an MP   

Published on Nov 6, 2020
Drug lord Khun Sa’s former confidante Sai Mon is contesting in the upcoming election as a USDP candidate. 
Drug lord Khun Sa’s former confidante Sai Mon is contesting in the upcoming election as a USDP candidate. 

At 72, Sai Mon has seen more than his fair share of change in his lifetime. A former commander in the Mong Tai Army (MTA), he was once a close confidante to Myanmar’s most notorious drug lord. But when Khun Sa “joined the legal fold” in 1996 and moved to Yangon, Lt Sai Mon stayed behind in north-eastern Shan state to start a militia of his own.

Now, after a failed attempt to win public office five years ago, he is ready to try his luck again. If successful, the former lawbreaker will join the ranks of the country’s lawmakers, and his transformation will be complete.

Sai Mon is contesting this year’s election in Tangyan township, in eastern Shan state’s Lashio district, as a candidate for the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This also happens to be the home base of the Manpang militia, an armed group now run by his son. 

In addition to Tangyan township’s Manpang village tract, Sai Mon is said to control about 50 village tracts in Mongyai and Lashio townships, making him an influential figure in Tangyan and beyond.

 

 

“There are things we know and maybe things we don’t know,” MP Sai Aung Pwint said of the Manpang militia’s finances

He is also widely believed to retain a significant degree of control over the Manpang militia, despite officially stepping down as its leader ahead of the 2015 election.  

 

 

“He did hand over his position, but it’s still under his influence,” said Sai Aung Pwint, the current Pyithu Hluttaw representative for Tangyan township.

Sam Vara, a liaison officer for the militia, insisted that Sai Mon’s son, Sai Kham Mon, was now in charge, even if the father still had a role to play.

“He has retired completely. Of course there’s some guidance to his son, who is now the leader. But he [Sai Mon] is no longer officially involved,” he told Myanmar Now.

Notably, however, Sai Mon was present at a meeting held in Naypyitaw in September between Tatmadaw commander-in chief Min Aung Hlaing and leaders of Myanmar’s various militia groups and self-administered areas.

The leadership question is not the only one that hangs over the Manpang militia. There is also some suspicion about how the group finances its operations.

“Like other militias, it receives no funding from the government, so they have to find some way to make a living. Do you understand what I’m getting at? There are things we know and maybe things we don’t know,” said MP Sai Aung Pwint.

The militia economy

According to the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA), Sai Mon owns three companies: Shan Yoma Aye Chan Yay Co. Ltd., Shan Yoma Aye Chan Yay Gems Co. Ltd., and Shan Yoma Aye Chan Yay Gold & Mine Product Co. Ltd. He also operates agriculture and mining businesses.

Sai Mon is director of all three of these companies, with his son Sai Kham Mon and liaison officer Sam Vara acting as members on their boards of directors.

There have been charges that the Manpang militia often extorts money from local villages in Tangyan, Mongyai and Lashio townships, where it is also said to recruit new members and stands accused of land-grabbing.

Sam Vara denied this last charge, saying that all of the group’s land acquisitions have been legal.

“The militia paid for the plots of land, and some people took advantage of vacant plots whose owners are only appearing now,” he said.

However, according to an Amyotha Hluttaw committee on confiscated farmland and other land issues in Shan state, the militia is involved in disputes with local farmers over thousands of acres of land in the village tracts of Nampaung and Mai Kyaing.

“The villagers lost not only the land but also the water,” MP Sai Wan Hlaing Kham

Amyotha Hluttaw MP Sai Wan Hlaing Kham, who is a member of the committee, said the Manpang militia acquired the land under a company’s name but took more than they applied for.

“On more than one thousand acres of land in Nampaung, they got Chinese people who don’t even speak Myanmar or Shan and started planting pumpkins and chilli with the villager’s water resources. The villagers lost not only the land but also the water,” he told Myanmar Now.

Tangyan township is located in the middle of an area that is notable for its economic activity, both legal and illegal. Lashio, the largest town in northern Shan state, is about 135 km northwest of the town of Tangyan, and the ruby-mining centre of Mong Hsu is roughly 80 km due south. Panghsang, the headquarters of the United Wa State Army, is about 169 km to the southeast, along a well-maintained highway.

The town itself is unremarkable, except for its association with Khun Sa. The former home of the drug lord is located in ward 1, and is known to locals simply as “Khun Sa House”. It is currently being used as the office of the Manpang militia.

A pattern of harassment 

Candidates from parties other than the USDP have complained of being followed by armed members of the Manpang militia while trying to campaign in areas under its control. In some cases, they say, they have even been barred from entering the region.

Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) candidate Sai Hla Htwe said members of the militia tailed the party during a recent campaign trip to Manpang and Na Nang village tracts.

“This is a threat to our voters,” he said.

Sai Naw Kham, a candidate for the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), said he had a similar experience.

“Other parties feel they have to be careful about gathering without the militia’s permission, which has made it difficult to run campaigns. The militia has ties to someone contesting in the election and we would like to ask for help so that we can campaign freely,” he said.

Liaison officer Sam Vara scoffed at suggestions that there was anything unusual about the way the former militia leader engages in politics or makes his money. He added that Sai Mon has spent billions of kyat on developing the region.

“Where does he get the money to do these things? He is involved in the jewellery business in Hpakant and Mong Hsu on a huge scale. He spends money he gets from his Shan Yoma Aye Chan Yay companies,” he said.

He was less forthcoming, however, about the militia’s finances (and with a response to Myanmar Now’s request for a meeting with Sai Mon himself).

“Where would a militia get money?” he said, laughing.

The answer to that question might come from local civil society organizations, who say that the Manpang militia routinely exploits people living in areas under its control.

Sources from the Ta’ang Students and Youth Union and the Ta’ang Women’s Organization said that a total of about 50 households in several Ta’ang villages are forced to provide 12 bags of rice each to the militia annually, in addition to 200,000- 300,000 kyat in cash. They are also pressured to provide recruits and volunteers, the groups said.

“People just post whatever they like on Facebook. In reality, we haven’t seen any recruitment,” said Sai San Sein, a USDP MP in the stateparliament 

They also said that the Ta’ang Health Committee, formed by youths living in predominantly Ta’ang villages, has been prevented from providing health care to villagers in the Manpang region.

Sai Kham Aung, of the Tangyan branch of the Shan Youth Organization, said that many villagers have lost their land to the militia.

“There’s someone called Lieutenant Lon Aing. He’s been confiscating land in four or five village tracts. When I say confiscating, I mean he pressures villagers into selling their land at a really low price,” he said.

He also accused the militia of using coercive methods to recruit new members. In some cases, he said, former drug addicts are forced to join if they can’t pay for rehabilitation treatment provided by the militia. 

Others are offered up to a million kyat to join. “It happens quite regularly,” he said.

However, Sai San Sein, a USDP candidate who represents Tangyan township constituency 1 in the state parliament, dismissed these claims.

“People just post whatever they like on Facebook. In reality, we haven’t seen any recruitment,” he said.

According to official figures, Tangyan has a population of over 174,000 residents living in 10 wards and 49 village tracts. Most are Shan, Ta’ang or Lahu, while about 5 percent are Wa or Kokang. There are over 109,000 eligible voters in Tangyan.

Two of Tangyan’s three elected representatives are from the SNLD; the third is from the USDP. A total of 11 candidates from six parties are contesting in the Tangyan constituency this year.

Kyaw Lin Htoon is Senior Reporter with Myanmar Now

Announcement came as court postponed the 82-year-old’s third hearing, meaning his request for bail on health grounds was not considered 

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Win Htein arrives for the opening ceremony of the second session of the Union Peace Conference in 2017 (EPA-EFE)

Detained National League for Democracy party stalwart Win Htein is to be tried by a special tribunal of two judges following an order from the military-controlled Supreme Court, his lawyer said on Friday. 

“It was just one judge before, and now there’s two,” Min Min Soe told Myanmar Now. 

“District judge Ye Lwin will serve as chair, and deputy district judge Soe Naing will be a member of the tribunal,” she added.

Win Htein faces up to a 20-year prison sentence for sedition under section 124a of the Penal Code.

His third hearing, scheduled for Friday, was postponed, with the court citing the internet shutdown as the reason because it made video conferencing impossible, Min Min Soe said.

“The arguments will be presented at the next hearing, we applied for bail but since they’re setting up a tribunal for the lawsuit, that will be discussed at the next hearing as well,” she said.

At the second hearing on March 5, Win Htein requested an independent judgement, a meeting with his lawyer, and bail due to his health issues, but the court said those requests would be heard on March 19.

Win Htein, 82, uses a wheelchair and suffers from breathing problems that means he often requires an oxygen tank. He also suffers from diabetes, high blood pressure, hypothyroidism and benign prostatic hyperplasia. 

Min Min Soe was allowed a brief call with her client on Friday to tell him that his hearing had been postponed until April 2.

Aye Lu, the chair of the Ottara district administration council in Naypyitaw, is the plaintiff in the lawsuit against Win Htein. Ottara district is where the NLD’s temporary headquarters are located. 

Aye Lu filed the charge on February 4 and Win Htein was arrested that evening at his home in Yangon. He has been kept in the Naypyitaw detention center and denied visits from his lawyers. 

He was detained after giving media interviews in the wake of the February 1 coup in which he said military chief Min Aung Hlaing had acted on personal ambition when seizing power. 

On Wednesday the military council announced that it was investigating Aung San Suu Kyi for corruption, on top of other charges announced since her arrest.

Many other NLD leaders, party members and MPs have been arrested or are the subject of warrants.

Kyi Toe, a senior figure in the NLD, was arrested on Thursday night in Hledan, Yangon.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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The country’s military leaders have acted with impunity for decades, but now there is a mechanism to bring them to justice

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Nationwide protests against the coup have been responded with murders, torture and mass arrests by the military regime. (Myanmar Now)

On March 8, U Ko Ko Lay, a 62-year-old teacher, bled to death on a street in the Kachin state capital Myitkyina. He had been shot in the head while protesting the military coup of February 1. That same night, U Zaw Myat Lynn, an official from the National League for Democracy, was taken from his home in Shwepyithar on the outskirts of Yangon and tortured to death. The list keeps growing.

In the more than six weeks since Senior General Min Aung Hlaing seized power, images of soldiers and police officers shooting, beating, and arresting protesters have flooded social media and Myanmar and international news outlets. So far, the regime’s forces have killed well over 200 people (more than half of them in the past week) and seriously injured many more. The junta has also arrested nearly 2,200 people, some of whom, like U Zaw Myat Lynn, have died in custody.

Each day, Myanmar human rights organizations update lists with names, dates, locations, and causes of death. Around 600 police and a handful of soldiers have decided they do not want to be involved in such actions. They have left their posts and even joined the anti-coup movement.

Many soldiers, police officers, and commanding officers are acting with impunity now. But they can face prosecution, not only in Myanmar’s courts but also internationally. Like any country, Myanmar is subject to international law. Because of its history of atrocities, most recently against the Rohingya people, Myanmar is also already subject to special international legal proceedings that apply to the current situation.

The most relevant is the United Nations’ Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM). The IIMM was created in 2018 after the Myanmar military’s brutal campaign against the Rohingya people, but it applies to the whole country. Its mission is to investigate “international crimes” from 2011 to the present.

International crimes are generally defined as “widespread and systematic” in nature, involving many victims and locations. These include crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide.

In keeping with its mandate, the IIMM is collecting information on the current situation. In a statement released on February 11 (available in Myanmar here), it highlighted the “use of lethal force against peaceful protesters and the detention of political leaders, members of civil society and protesters.”

More recently, on March 17, the IIMM also called on recipients of illegal orders to share this evidence so that those ultimately responsible for these crimes can be held accountable.

"The persons most responsible for the most serious international crimes are usually those in high leadership positions. They are not the ones who physically perpetrate the crimes and often are not even present at the locations where the crimes are committed,” the head of the IIMM, Nicholas Koumjian, says in the statement (available in Myanmar here).

The crimes the IIMM investigates could be tried in Myanmar courts, courts in other countries, or international courts. International crimes are crimes that are so serious that they are considered to be against the international community, and are therefore not limited to courts in one country.

In other words, an international crime committed in Myanmar—for example, widespread and systematic attacks on civilians—can be tried in a court in another country or in an international court.

The Myanmar military is used to getting away with murder. Decades of well-documented killing, rape, and torture of civilians in ethnic minority areas have gone unpunished. No one has ever been tried for the killing of protesters during previous mass uprisings against military rule in 1988 and 2007.

But this time may be different. On March 4, the International Commission of Jurists said in a statement that “the killing of peaceful protesters by Myanmar’s security forces should be independently investigated as possible crimes against humanity.”

The IIMM is already set up and working. It provides a mechanism for just such an investigation. Those doing the shooting should be aware of this.

For further information:

The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) on Facebook

International Accountability Mechanisms for Myanmar (learning materials in English, Myanmar, and Karen)

Lin Htet is a pen name for a team of Myanmar and international writers

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A resident said armed forces used drones to monitor the crowd before opening fire on them

Published on Mar 19, 2021
Men carry a wounded protester in Aungban, Shan State, on the morning of March 19 (Supplied)

At least eight anti-coup protesters were killed in Aungban, southern Shan State, during an attack by the military junta on demonstrations on Friday morning, according to the Aungban Free Funeral Service Society.

Sixteen military trucks carrying more than 100 policemen and soldiers arrived at the protest site at around 9:00 a.m. and began shooting at protesters. Seven died at the scene, and another protester who had been shot in the neck was taken to Kalaw Hospital and died by 11:00 a.m.

All eight victims were men. 

The body of the man who died at the hospital was sent to his family’s home, but those who were killed at the protest site were taken away by the junta’s armed forces, a representative of the Free Funeral Service Society told Myanmar Now. 

Aungban resident Nay Lynn Tun told Myanmar Now that police and soldiers had destroyed the doors of nearby homes in order to arrest people, and that at least 10 people had been detained. 

“Initially, police arrived at the site. When the crowd surrounded the police, armed soldiers arrived at the site and began firing,” he told Myanmar Now. “In the coming days, if we cannot gather to protest, we will do it in our own residential areas.”

Since March 13, around 300 volunteer night guards have watched over these residential areas to protect locals from the dangers posed by the junta’s nighttime raids. These forces use drone cameras to monitor the activities of the night guards from 3:00 a.m. until 5:00 a.m. every day, Nay Lynn Tun said. 

He added that hours before Friday’s crackdown, military and police had also used drone cameras to monitor the gathering of protesters in Aungban.

Over the last week, at least 11 protesters have been arrested in Aungban. Only three-- the protesters who were minors-- were released.

South of Shan State, in the Kayah State capital of Loikaw, two pro-democracy protesters were also shot with live ammunition by the regime’s armed forces on Friday. One, 46-year-old Kyan Aung, was shot in the lower abdomen and died from his injuries. The other wounded protester was a nurse, according to eyewitnesses. 

According to a March 18 tally by the advocacy group Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, at least 224 people have been killed across the country by junta’s armed forces since the February 1 coup. Thousands more have been arrested. 

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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