A Khun Sa confidante sets his sights on parliament as a USDP candidate

Former militia leader Sai Mon looks to use his influence in eastern Shan state to win respectability as an MP   

Drug lord Khun Sa’s former confidante Sai Mon is contesting in the upcoming election as a USDP candidate. 

At 72, Sai Mon has seen more than his fair share of change in his lifetime. A former commander in the Mong Tai Army (MTA), he was once a close confidante to Myanmar’s most notorious drug lord. But when Khun Sa “joined the legal fold” in 1996 and moved to Yangon, Lt Sai Mon stayed behind in north-eastern Shan state to start a militia of his own.

Now, after a failed attempt to win public office five years ago, he is ready to try his luck again. If successful, the former lawbreaker will join the ranks of the country’s lawmakers, and his transformation will be complete.

Sai Mon is contesting this year’s election in Tangyan township, in eastern Shan state’s Lashio district, as a candidate for the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This also happens to be the home base of the Manpang militia, an armed group now run by his son. 

In addition to Tangyan township’s Manpang village tract, Sai Mon is said to control about 50 village tracts in Mongyai and Lashio townships, making him an influential figure in Tangyan and beyond.

 

 

“There are things we know and maybe things we don’t know,” MP Sai Aung Pwint said of the Manpang militia’s finances

He is also widely believed to retain a significant degree of control over the Manpang militia, despite officially stepping down as its leader ahead of the 2015 election.  

 

 

“He did hand over his position, but it’s still under his influence,” said Sai Aung Pwint, the current Pyithu Hluttaw representative for Tangyan township.

Sam Vara, a liaison officer for the militia, insisted that Sai Mon’s son, Sai Kham Mon, was now in charge, even if the father still had a role to play.

“He has retired completely. Of course there’s some guidance to his son, who is now the leader. But he [Sai Mon] is no longer officially involved,” he told Myanmar Now.

Notably, however, Sai Mon was present at a meeting held in Naypyitaw in September between Tatmadaw commander-in chief Min Aung Hlaing and leaders of Myanmar’s various militia groups and self-administered areas.

The leadership question is not the only one that hangs over the Manpang militia. There is also some suspicion about how the group finances its operations.

“Like other militias, it receives no funding from the government, so they have to find some way to make a living. Do you understand what I’m getting at? There are things we know and maybe things we don’t know,” said MP Sai Aung Pwint.

The militia economy

According to the Directorate of Investment and Company Administration (DICA), Sai Mon owns three companies: Shan Yoma Aye Chan Yay Co. Ltd., Shan Yoma Aye Chan Yay Gems Co. Ltd., and Shan Yoma Aye Chan Yay Gold & Mine Product Co. Ltd. He also operates agriculture and mining businesses.

Sai Mon is director of all three of these companies, with his son Sai Kham Mon and liaison officer Sam Vara acting as members on their boards of directors.

There have been charges that the Manpang militia often extorts money from local villages in Tangyan, Mongyai and Lashio townships, where it is also said to recruit new members and stands accused of land-grabbing.

Sam Vara denied this last charge, saying that all of the group’s land acquisitions have been legal.

“The militia paid for the plots of land, and some people took advantage of vacant plots whose owners are only appearing now,” he said.

However, according to an Amyotha Hluttaw committee on confiscated farmland and other land issues in Shan state, the militia is involved in disputes with local farmers over thousands of acres of land in the village tracts of Nampaung and Mai Kyaing.

“The villagers lost not only the land but also the water,” MP Sai Wan Hlaing Kham

Amyotha Hluttaw MP Sai Wan Hlaing Kham, who is a member of the committee, said the Manpang militia acquired the land under a company’s name but took more than they applied for.

“On more than one thousand acres of land in Nampaung, they got Chinese people who don’t even speak Myanmar or Shan and started planting pumpkins and chilli with the villager’s water resources. The villagers lost not only the land but also the water,” he told Myanmar Now.

Tangyan township is located in the middle of an area that is notable for its economic activity, both legal and illegal. Lashio, the largest town in northern Shan state, is about 135 km northwest of the town of Tangyan, and the ruby-mining centre of Mong Hsu is roughly 80 km due south. Panghsang, the headquarters of the United Wa State Army, is about 169 km to the southeast, along a well-maintained highway.

The town itself is unremarkable, except for its association with Khun Sa. The former home of the drug lord is located in ward 1, and is known to locals simply as “Khun Sa House”. It is currently being used as the office of the Manpang militia.

A pattern of harassment 

Candidates from parties other than the USDP have complained of being followed by armed members of the Manpang militia while trying to campaign in areas under its control. In some cases, they say, they have even been barred from entering the region.

Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) candidate Sai Hla Htwe said members of the militia tailed the party during a recent campaign trip to Manpang and Na Nang village tracts.

“This is a threat to our voters,” he said.

Sai Naw Kham, a candidate for the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP), said he had a similar experience.

“Other parties feel they have to be careful about gathering without the militia’s permission, which has made it difficult to run campaigns. The militia has ties to someone contesting in the election and we would like to ask for help so that we can campaign freely,” he said.

Liaison officer Sam Vara scoffed at suggestions that there was anything unusual about the way the former militia leader engages in politics or makes his money. He added that Sai Mon has spent billions of kyat on developing the region.

“Where does he get the money to do these things? He is involved in the jewellery business in Hpakant and Mong Hsu on a huge scale. He spends money he gets from his Shan Yoma Aye Chan Yay companies,” he said.

He was less forthcoming, however, about the militia’s finances (and with a response to Myanmar Now’s request for a meeting with Sai Mon himself).

“Where would a militia get money?” he said, laughing.

The answer to that question might come from local civil society organizations, who say that the Manpang militia routinely exploits people living in areas under its control.

Sources from the Ta’ang Students and Youth Union and the Ta’ang Women’s Organization said that a total of about 50 households in several Ta’ang villages are forced to provide 12 bags of rice each to the militia annually, in addition to 200,000- 300,000 kyat in cash. They are also pressured to provide recruits and volunteers, the groups said.

“People just post whatever they like on Facebook. In reality, we haven’t seen any recruitment,” said Sai San Sein, a USDP MP in the stateparliament 

They also said that the Ta’ang Health Committee, formed by youths living in predominantly Ta’ang villages, has been prevented from providing health care to villagers in the Manpang region.

Sai Kham Aung, of the Tangyan branch of the Shan Youth Organization, said that many villagers have lost their land to the militia.

“There’s someone called Lieutenant Lon Aing. He’s been confiscating land in four or five village tracts. When I say confiscating, I mean he pressures villagers into selling their land at a really low price,” he said.

He also accused the militia of using coercive methods to recruit new members. In some cases, he said, former drug addicts are forced to join if they can’t pay for rehabilitation treatment provided by the militia. 

Others are offered up to a million kyat to join. “It happens quite regularly,” he said.

However, Sai San Sein, a USDP candidate who represents Tangyan township constituency 1 in the state parliament, dismissed these claims.

“People just post whatever they like on Facebook. In reality, we haven’t seen any recruitment,” he said.

According to official figures, Tangyan has a population of over 174,000 residents living in 10 wards and 49 village tracts. Most are Shan, Ta’ang or Lahu, while about 5 percent are Wa or Kokang. There are over 109,000 eligible voters in Tangyan.

Two of Tangyan’s three elected representatives are from the SNLD; the third is from the USDP. A total of 11 candidates from six parties are contesting in the Tangyan constituency this year.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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