POETIC JUSTICE: MYANMAR WRITERS TO PEN NEW ERA AS LAWMAKERS

Since colonial days, Myanmar’s poets have put pen to paper to express the mood of the people, describing their trials and tribulations through verse as the country endured one political upheaval after another

Tint Lwin, who writes under the name Maung Lwin Mon (Kathar), outside the NLD office in Pazuntaung Township, Yangon on Dec. 3. Photo: Phyo Thiha Cho / Myanmar Now

 Since colonial days, Myanmar’s poets have put pen to paper to express the mood of the people, describing their trials and tribulations through verse as the country endured one political upheaval after another.

From Thakhin Ko Daw Hmaing, whose prose inspired pro-independence leaders when the country was under British rule, to Min Ko Naing, a prominent activist who emerged from the 1988 student protests, poets have long been central to dissident causes, whether opposing colonial overlords or military dictators.

Now, the time has come for poets to go from writing verse to drafting laws. 

The opposition National League for Democracy, or NLD, won a landslide victory in Myanmar’s historic elections Nov. 8 and among its 800-odd lawmakers in the new national and state and regional parliaments are 11 well-known bards. 

 

 

Instead of working with words and feelings, and turning out heart-rending prose, they will be faced with more mundane tasks such as familiarizing themselves with tax legislation and state and regional budgets.

It remains to be seen how these poets, who honed their craft vividly describing the struggles of ordinary people under the junta, will acclimatise to their new role as politicians when they take their seats in parliament on Jan. 31.

 

 

Accidental Parliamentarians

Than Aung, whose pen name is Ani Htet, has reservations about his new job. 

He won a Lower House seat to represent Ngaputaw Township in Ayeyarwaddy Region, but told Myanmar Now he enjoys being a village schoolteacher and a writer. But the state of the country and the needs of the people drove him into politics, he said. 

“I never dreamt of becoming a member of parliament. I had always thought I was going to spend my life as a simple teacher and poet,” he said in a telephone interview. 

Analysts and losing candidates from the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party, or USDP, have raised questions over the ability of poets to become good parliamentarians. 

USDP lawmaker Hla Swe, who lost his Upper House seat to an NLD candidate in Sagaing Region, believes it would take time for poets, with their artistic temperaments, to get used to parliamentary processes such as time limits in tabling motions, he said. 

“They would have to try hard. Their mother has threatened to punish them if they don’t. It’s their mother’s responsibility if they don’t try,” he said, referring to party leader Aung San Suu Kyi, often called Amay (Mother) Suu by party members.

Perhaps the most famous example of a dissident writer and poet turned politician was Václav Havel, who was president of the Czech Republic for a decade after the Velvet Revolution toppled Communism in 1989.

Ani Htet said he has already started preparing for life in parliament, studying laws and planning on tabling motions to amend some and enact new ones. First, he said, he wants to tackle laws on education and media. 

“It’s not easy to be a representative in parliament. I’m trying my best to study and prepare myself so what I do there will benefit the country,” he said.   

A Multi-Hyphenated Poet

The NLD’s Kyaw Zin Lin beat Thar Aye, incumbent chief minister of Sagaing Region, for a regional parliamentary seat in Butalin Township. Better known by his nom de plume Zay Linn Mg, the 33-year-old lyricist is also a medical doctor. 

“I would actually prefer being a political activist rather than a formal parliamentarian because you have the freedom to say what you want. Now I’ll have to be faithful to the party’s policies,” he said of his new job. 

Although slightly chafing at the thought of having to give up his freedoms, he also said he’s ready to take on the new role and already has his eyes on reforming the complex bureaucratic mechanism within the regional parliament so that it becomes more democratic. 

One of his political dreams, he said, was to get the officials of the powerful General Administrative Department democratically elected, since they play a key role in the country’s wider administrative mechanism down to the township level. 

Currently, the department is under the Ministry of Home Affairs which, according to the 2008 Constitution, is headed by a military general and controlled by the army chief.  

“Only the village and ward-level officials are directly elected by the people, but the regional and township level administrative officials are directly appointed by the Ministry of Home Affairs. So we need to change that for better governance,” he said.

Great Expectations

Myanmar’s poets have long portrayed the destitute and downtrodden through their art, and have a good sense of the needs of the people, said female writer Thwe Sagaing, voicing support for her fellow artists.

“The poets have always stood with the oppressed. So we are confident that they will be able to work for the public,” she said.

Mi Chan Wai, another writer, said the poets-turned-MPs are creative thinkers who will be able to bring new ideas and concepts to otherwise dull parliamentary procedures.

“I believe that we will be able to fulfil these expectations as we poets have always fought for the truth,” said Tint Lwin, elected as a lawmaker for the Yangon Region parliament for the NLD.

The writer, who writes under the name Maung Lwin Mon (Kathar), used to make a living working for a state-owned bank, but lost his job for joining demonstrators in the 1988 uprising against military rule.

He continued to be involved in politics and was later jailed for his dissident activities.

In a poem celebrating Aung San Suu Kyi’s 66th birthday, which fell a few months after the November 2010 elections and her release from house arrest, he called her “mother” and compared her to a rose.

“Because of your teachings, us, your sons and daughters, who are easily afraid and bereft of reasoning, are now full of strength and bravery,” he wrote.

“We have chosen to be poets and MPs at the same time, we hope we can find the right balance between these two modes of life,” he told Myanmar Now.

The closure of Myanmar’s last independent newspaper marks a new milestone in the country’s political descent 

Published on Mar 18, 2021
Staring March 17,  the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication.

Years from now, March 17, 2021, will be remembered as the day that Myanmar’s brief era of press freedom—however partial and imperfect it was—well and truly died.

As of this day, the country no longer has a single independent newspaper in publication. On Wednesday, The Standard Time (San Taw Chain) joined The Myanmar Times, The Voice, 7Day News and Eleven in suspending operations in the wake of last month’s military coup.

It was less than a decade ago that the quasi-civilian administration of former President Thein Sein began slowly lifting restrictions on Myanmar’s long-suppressed press.

As overt censorship became a thing of the past and new licenses were issued, the number of news outlets proliferated, in the surest sign of confidence in ongoing political and economic reforms.  

Now only online news media remain as the last lifeline for millions of citizens desperate for reliable sources of information amid the military-induced freefall.

With this in mind, the new regime is acting to sever this last connection as it moves to plunge the country into darkness.

“The situation for press freedom is only going to get worse as they cut off the internet,” says political analyst Sithu Aung Myint, before adding: “The country no longer has democracy or an ounce of freedom.”

Piling pressure on news media

It took 10 days for the regime’s Ministry of Information to start making Orwellian demands. On February 11, it issued new instructions to the Myanmar Press Council, “urging” news media to “practice ethics” and stop referring to the “State Administration Council” as a junta.   

Citing provisions in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution, the junta’s arbiters of truth claimed that the regime came to power by legitimate means because a state of emergency had been duly declared.

Newspapers, journals, and websites that persisted in using language that suggested otherwise were not merely wrong, but were also violating media ethics and inciting unrest, the ministry insisted.

Eleven days later, on February22, the coup maker himself, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, warned the media that their publishing licenses would be revoked if they continued to use words that didn’t meet with his approval.

But on February 25, in a show of defiance, some 50 news outlets declared their intention to keep reporting on the situation as it unfolded, and to describe the regime and its actions as they saw fit.

The arrests begin

Two days later, the junta began targeting the most vulnerable and essential participants in the whole news-making process: reporters.

On February 27, five journalists covering the junta’s crackdowns on anti-dictatorship activities were arrested and later charged with incitement under section 505a of the Penal Code.

Myanmar Now’s multimedia reporter Kay Zon Nway was one of those arrested that day. She was doing her job of documenting the brutal assault on protesters in Yangon’s Sanchaung township when she was apprehended while fleeing the regime’s forces as they lashed out at everyone in sight. 

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Police arrest Myanmar Now journalist Kay Zon Nwe covering protests in Yangon on February 27, 2021. Credit: YE AUNG THU / AFP

The four others—Aung Ye Ko from 7Days News, Ye Myo Khant from Myanmar Pressphoto Agency, Thein Zaw from AP, and Hein Pyae Zaw from ZeeKwat Media—were reporting near Hledan when they were taken into custody. 

All five are now in Yangon’s notorious Insein prison awaiting trial on charges based on the ludicrous notion that they were somehow responsible for the mayhem that they were merely there to witness, at great risk to their own lives.

Under recent amendments to section 505a, they now face up to three years in prison for the crime of sharing what they saw with their fellow citizens.

According to data compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and last updated on March 8, as many as 33 journalists have been arrested or targeted for arrest since the February 1 coup.

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A policeman chasing a journalist holding a camera in Yangon on February 26, 2021. 

Taking action against news organizations

The regime hasn’t just put individual journalists in its sights; as its efforts to end resistance to its rule continue to escalate, it has also moved to neutralize entire new organizations.  

On March 8, the Ministry of Information announced that it had revoked the publishing licenses of Myanmar Now and four other outlets—7Day News, Mizzima, DVB and Khit Thit media.

7Days News stopped printing the following day, and a day later, Eleven announced that it would also be suspending its operations, at least until April 18.

By that time, two other well-known local publications, The Myanmar Times and The Voice, had already shut down shop for various reasons.

That left only The Standard Time, which for the past week has been the only print newspaper in the country not controlled by the regime. And now it, too, is gone.

All of this is just another chapter in Myanmar’s long and often troubled news media history.

After Myanmar gained independence in 1948, private daily newspapers flourished in the country. Published in Myanmar, English, Chinese and Hindi, these publications were part of a vibrant culture that cherished the free exchange of ideas and information.

But that came to an abrupt end in 1962, when the former dictator General Ne Win seized power and put most daily newspapers under government control. After his 1973 constitution was ratified, privately owned dailies were effectively banned.

It wasn’t until nearly 40 years later, in late 2012, that the state-owned media’s monopoly on daily news ended under the Thein Sein government.

Now this fleeting moment of relative freedom is past, and Myanmar has returned to the dark days of an uprising that was brutally crushed, ushering in an even darker era of absolute military rule.   

“I wasn’t a journalist in ‘88, but in my 12 years in this profession, this current situation is the worst. It’s not just a matter of being afraid to go out to report; now you can be arrested just for being a person in media,” one female reporter who asked to remain anonymous remarked.

As trying as these times are, however, they have more than proven the true value of press freedom as a weapon in the fight against oppression.

“Help the news media so that the local and international community know the people’s bravery, sacrifices, and the atrocities that the dictators have committed,” Sithu Aung Myint, the political analyst, wrote on social media recently. 

“Take record of incidents yourself,” he added, reminding his readers that in this age of citizen journalists, we all have a responsibility to act as witnesses.

But even with so much courage and commitment on full display, it’s difficult not to see this day as a chilling sign of things to come.

Reflecting on what the loss of Myanmar’s last news publication means for the country, Sithu Aung Myint concluded: “As a nation without newspapers, we are now in the dark ages.”

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Some have complied with the order but others say they are leaving the barricades up 

Published on Mar 17, 2021
The junta’s armed forces approach a protest column in Tamwe, Yangon on February 27 (Myanmar Now) 

Police and soldiers patrolled neighbourhoods in Yangon and Mandalay on Wednesday and threatened to shoot into people’s houses unless locals removed defensive roadblocks they had set up amid spiralling one-sided violence.

A video of the coup regime’s forces making the threats through a loudspeaker circulated on social media and residents from several different neighbourhoods later told Myanmar Now they had received similar threats. 

“The next time we see barricades on roads, we will turn this entire residential quarter upside down and shoot,” a voice said in the video. 

The regime’s forces came to Khaymarthi Road and Nweni Road in Yangon’s North Okkalapa township in the afternoon to demand the removal of barricades, residents there told Myanmar Now. 

“We did not remove the barricades, so they are still on the roads,” one resident said. “We only set up the barricades in our quarter. If they didn’t not shoot, we wouldn’t need barricades. But now they’re shooting, so it is more appropriate for the people to block the roads.” 

A woman living in Hlaing Tharyar township, which this week witnessed the biggest massacre so far by regime forces since the February 1 coup, said locals removed the barricades from major roads after soldiers threatened to shoot into people’s homes. 

She then saw military trucks driving around the township, she added. 

On Wednesday morning the regime’s forces detained people and forced them to clear sandbags and other barricades on major roads elsewhere in Yangon, according to social media posts by people who said they were detained.

The junta’s security forces made similar threats in South Okkalapa, Thingangyun and Tamwe townships in Yangon and Manawramman Quarter in Mandalay, residents said. 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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Families and lawyers are still being kept in the dark about the status of court proceedings against them

Published on Mar 17, 2021
University students and young people have been playing a leading role in the nationwide protests against the military coup on Februrary 1. (Myanmar Now)

The regime has charged more than 300 students who were detained at a protest in Tamwe on March 3 after keeping their families in the dark about their status for two weeks. 

They were detained as police and soldiers used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition to attack a march organised by the University of Yangon Students’ Union and the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

At least five were injured by rubber bullets during the attack. Police initially detained 389 people but last week released 50 who are under the age of 18.

The students have been charged under section 505a of the Penal Code, which the junta recently amended to give prison sentences of up to three years for causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.

Lawyers say they have been unable to obtain an exact list of names of those being held and that police have been evasive regarding the case. 

“The person in charge of the case was not present. We were told that he went to the court,” one of the lawyers said. “We can’t reach him via phone, so we followed him to Tamwe court, but there was no one at the court except security.” 

Parents have been informed about the charges but not the details of the court proceedings, the lawyer said. 

Because the military junta has shut down mobile internet, court proceedings have been adjourned as video conferencing is not available. In-person hearings were stopped last year in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. 

“We, the Students’ Union, do not believe in their judicial process and therefore we do not recognize these court proceedings as legitimate,” a student activist said, requesting anonymity. “The Students’ Union will continue to fight to topple the military regime.” 

Among those detained on March 3 was Wai Yan Phyo Moe, Vice President of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions.

Three members of the central executive committee of the Yangon University Students’ Union were also arrested. They are Phone Htet Naung, Aung Phone Maw, and Lay Pyay Soe Moe.

The majority of those detained are from various universities in Yangon, with 176 being students of Yangon University. A few are from universities in rural areas of Myanmar. 

Hundreds of other students have also been arrested at protests in Mandalay and Magway, on February 28 and March 7. Only 19 of them have been released.

 

Myanmar Now is an independent news service providing free, accurate and unbiased news to the people of Myanmar in Burmese and English.

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